• AP calls government's record seizure a 'massive and unprecedented intrusion'

    The Associated Press has revealed that it's been notified by the Justice Department that investigators obtained records on more than 20 phone lines used by AP reporters and editors last April and May. NBC's Pete Williams reports.

    WASHINGTON -- The Justice Department used a secret subpoena to obtain two months of phone records for Associated Press reporters and editors without notifying the news organization, a senior department official tells NBC News, saying the step was necessary to avoid "a substantial threat to the integrity" of an ongoing leak investigation.

    Michael Isikoff, NBC News national investigative correspondent, talks with Rachel Maddow about the Justice Department's disclosure that it has seized two months of phone records of many AP reporters, apparently in pursuit of the source of a leak about an al Qaeda bomb plot in Yemen.

    The seizure of the phone records, disclosed earlier Monday by AP President and CEO Gary Pruitt, is the latest move in a series of high profile and controversial investigations of leaks of classified information by the Justice Department. In a letter of protest to Attorney General Eric Holder, Pruitt said obtaining more than two months of AP phone records on 20 separate telephone lines without prior notice was a "massive and unprecedented intrusion" into news-gathering operations. 

    It also drew a swift rebuke Monday from members of Congress and freedom of the press watchdogs, one of whom called the move "Nixonian."

    Ronald C. Machen, Jr., the U.S. attorney in Washington, D.C., revealed in a letter to the AP on Friday that federal prosecutors obtained the records. The letter did not give a reason for obtaining the records, but Machen is conducting an investigation into the leak of classified information about a foiled terror plot in Yemen last year. An AP story last spring reported details of a CIA operation in Yemen that stopped an al Qaeda plot to detonate a bomb on an airplane bound for the United States.



    In his letter to Holder, Pruitt said the seized phone records were from early 2012 and included phone lines for AP bureaus in New York, Washington DC, Hartford, Connecticut and the AP line at the House of Representatives. He said the records seized also included those from the home phones and cell phones of individual journalists.

    "We regard this action by the Department of Justice as a serious interference with AP's constitutional rights to gather and report the news," Pruitt said.

    Associated Press Executive Editor Kathleen Carroll calls the Justice Department's actions to be "very distressing."

    Holder last June appointed Machen to conduct the investigation of the Yemen terror plot leak and Rod Rosenstein, the U.S. attorney in Maryland, to oversee a separate probe into the leak of U.S. government efforts to use the Stuxnet computer virus to thwart the Iranian nuclear program. In later Senate testimony, Holder said that he and FBI director Robert Mueller had both been interviewed by FBI agents as part of the investigations because they had prior knowledge of the information that was leaked. (Under Justice regulations, any subpoena for news media phone records requires the "express authorization" of the attorney general. But a Justice Department spokeswoman did not respond Monday night when asked whether the attorney general had recused himself in the investigation.)

    As another sign of the sensitivity of the case, CIA Director John Brennan disclosed earlier this year that he also had been questioned by FBI agents as part of the Yemen probe, but said he was later notified that he was not a subject of the investigation.

    Bill Miller, spokesman for Machen, said in an email that the subpoena for the records was done by the book.

    "Consistent with DOJ regulations, the department provided notification to the Associated Press of the receipt of toll records in a letter dated May 10, 2013," He noted that Justice regulations "do not require notification to the media prior to the issuance of legal process to obtain toll records."

    In a separate email, Miller wrote: "We take seriously our obligations to follow all applicable laws, federal regulations, and Department of Justice policies when issuing subpoenas for phone records of media organizations. Those regulations require us to make every reasonable effort to obtain information through alternative means before even considering a subpoena for the phone records of a member of the media. We must notify the media organization in advance unless doing so would pose a substantial threat to the integrity of the investigation.

    "Because we value the freedom of the press, we are always careful and deliberative in seeking to strike the right balance between the public interest in the free flow of information and the public interest in the fair and effective administration of our criminal laws.”

    The regulations cited by Miller state that subpoenas for the news media in criminal cases should be done only when there are “reasonable grounds to believe … that a crime has occurred” and that the records sought are “essential to a successful investigation.” They also state that subpoenas should, wherever possible, “be directed at material information regarding a limited subject matter and “should cover a reasonably limited period of time and … avoid requiring production of a large volume of unpublished material.”

    Since President Barack Obama took office, the Justice Department has aggressively pursued leak investigation and brought more criminal prosecutions – six in five years – than any previous administration. Those cases, which also have been sharply criticized by press groups, have also targeted reporters’ phone records: James Risen, a national security reporter for the New York Times, had his phone, credit card and bank records subpoenaed as part of a Justice Department prosecution of a former CIA officer accused of leaking classified information on Iran’s nuclear program to him.

    But critics say the extensive nature of the subpoena for the AP phone records goes far beyond what was seen in earlier cases.

    Rep. Darrell Issa, R-Calif., and chairman of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, vowed to investigate.

    "This is obviously disturbing," he said. Coming in the wake of other disclosures about the administration’s response to the attack on the U.S. consulate in Benghazi, Libya, and the IRS’s targeting of conservative nonprofit groups, he said it showed "top Obama administration officials increasingly see themselves as above the law and emboldened by the belief that they don't have to answer to anyone."

    Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., and chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, said he wanted to know more about the justification for the secret subpoena.

    "The burden is always on the government when they go after private information -- especially information regarding the press or its confidential sources,” he said. “… I am concerned that the government may not have met that burden. I am very troubled by these allegations and want to hear the government's explanation."

    Anti-secrecy watchdogs also criticized the move.

    "I've never heard of a dragnet collection effort against a media organization like this," said Stephen Aftergood, who tracks secrecy issues for the Federation of American Scientists. "This was not a targeted monitoring of an individual reporter. It's a sweeping collection of an entire bureau's communications."

    "The Justice Department’s seizure of the Associated Press’ phone records is Nixonian," said Danielle Brian, executive director of the Project on Government Oversight, a group that advocates on behalf of whistleblowers. "The American public deserves a full accounting of why and how this could happen."

    NBC News' Capitol Hill Correspondent Kelly O'Donnell contributed to this report.

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  • IRS watchdog: Senior official knew in 2011 that Tea Party groups were targeted

    WASHINGTON - A senior Internal Revenue Service official knew in 2011 that IRS agents were giving extra scrutiny to conservative Tea Party groups, according to documents from a watchdog office obtained by Reuters on Saturday.


    In a scandal that has already embarrassed the IRS and become a distraction for the Obama administration, a report from the Treasury Department's Inspector General For Tax Administration (TIGTA) was expected to be issued publicly next week on the IRS practice, who knew about it and when.

    As more information emerged over the weekend, the White House said President Barack Obama was concerned about the conduct of a few IRS employees.

    White House spokesman Jay Carney said: "If the inspector general finds that there were any rules broken or that conduct of government officials did not meet the standards required of them, the president expects that swift and appropriate steps will be taken to address any misconduct."


    The TIGTA report finds that Lois Lerner, who heads the IRS's tax-exempt groups unit, knew of the extra scrutiny as early as June 2011.

    On Friday, in remarks that triggered a storm of controversy, Lerner publicly apologized at a legal conference in Washington for what she termed "inappropriate" targeting by the IRS of conservative groups applying for tax-exempt status.

    She said the practice was confined to an IRS office in Cincinnati and that it was "absolutely not" influenced by the Obama administration. She said none of the targeted groups was denied tax-free status.

    The TIGTA report was requested last year by Republican Representative Darrell Issa, chairman of a congressional investigative panel, after he accused the IRS of targeting conservative groups.

    TIGTA has found that the IRS singled out groups with the words "Tea Party" or "patriot" in their names for closer scrutiny, according to a TIGTA document.

    IRS chief denied knowledge
    In March 2012 in congressional testimony, then-IRS Commissioner Doug Shulman said the IRS was not making it harder for conservative groups to become tax-exempt.

    Shulman stepped down at the end of 2012 when his term ended. Steven Miller was named acting head of the agency.

    The IRS said in a statement on Saturday that the TIGTA report was correct. The statement said officials in the IRS exempt organizations division knew of the screening and that "IRS senior leadership did not have this level of detail."

    The statement said that while "mistakes were made," there "were not partisan reasons behind this."

    Although part of the executive branch, the IRS is considered an independent agency and officials try to stay out of politics.

    According to the TIGTA document, the IRS was singling out the conservative groups as early as March 2010.

    The document says managers in the "determinations unit" told specialists to be on the lookout for applications from organizations linked to the Tea Party, a political movement that favors smaller government and fewer and lower taxes.

    Changing criteria
    The IRS screening criteria were broadened in July 2011 to cover "organizations involved with political, lobbying or advocacy" seeking tax exemption, according to a TIGTA timeline of events.

    Further broadening of the criteria occurred in January 2012 and again in May 2012, the document said.

    Issa has vowed to investigate the matter and the House committee he chairs has the power to issue subpoenas. At least one other congressional panel intends to hold hearings, giving Republicans multiple opportunities to hammer the agency and the White House over the affair that had been brewing for months.

    Lerner said IRS agents in Cincinnati targeted conservative groups "without talking to managers." The staffers were trying to deal with a crush of applications for tax-exempt status by using key words to get through the paperwork faster, she said.

    About 300 applications were initially flagged for closer scrutiny. Of those, 75 were chosen for that treatment based on the presence of the key words in their names.

    Thousands of applications
    Each year the IRS reviews as many as 60,000 tax-exempt applications from groups ranging from charities to labor unions. Some are classified as 501(c)(4) groups after the section of the tax code that makes them tax-exempt. Such organizations can collect money from anonymous donors and spend it on advertising.

    To get and keep their tax-exempt status, 501(c)(4) groups cannot endorse a political candidate or a political party.

    The number of groups seeking 501(c)(4) status more than doubled from 2010 to 2012, coinciding in part with the surge of Tea Party enthusiasm. In 2010 the U.S. Supreme Court issued its "Citizens United" decision lifting government limits on corporate spending in federal elections.

    Consumer groups have been pushing the IRS to clarify the standards for "social welfare organizations," as they are known in Section 501(c)(4) of the tax code, to ensure that they are not abusing their tax-exempt status.

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  • Unaware of Tsarnaev warnings, Boston counterterror unit tracked protesters

    In the first congressional hearing on the Boston bombings many questions remain unanswered, such as why the FBI didn't involve Boston's law enforcement when assessing whether or not Tamlerlan Tsarnaev was a terrorist threat. The FBI investigated Tsarnaev two years ago after receiving a tip from Russian authorities. NBC's Pete Williams reports

    In the fall of 2011, a key Boston police counterterror intelligence unit -- funded with millions of dollars in U.S. homeland security grants -- was closely monitoring anti-Wall Street demonstrations, including tracking the Facebook pages and websites of the protesters and writing reports on the potential impact on "commercial and financial sector assets" in downtown areas, according to internal police documents.


    The police monitoring of the activities of Occupy Boston -- an off-shoot of the Occupy Wall Street protests that swept the country in 2011 -- came during a period after the U.S. government received the second of two warnings from the Russian government about the radical Islamic ties of alleged Boston Marathon bomber Tamerlan Tsarnaev.

    Boston Police Commissioner Ed Davis told a congressional panel Thursday that his department was never alerted by any federal agency to the information about Tsarnaev, but added that it was "hard to say" whether it would have made any difference in preventing the bombing. FBI  officials have insisted that the intelligence about Tsarnaev was vague and uncorroborated and that their own assessment at the time produced no "derogatory" information that justified opening a full-scale investigation.

    But the internal Boston police documents, recently obtained by a civil liberties group, could raise fresh questions about the role of Homeland Security-funded "fusion centers" like the Boston Regional Intelligence Center, or BRIC, which conducted the monitoring. The Boston unit  is one of 72 such units set up to collect, analyze and share intelligence about potential terror threats. While  Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano has called the units “one of the centerpieces” of the nation’s counterterrorism efforts, congressional critics have questioned their effectiveness and accused them in some cases of writing "useless" reports that infringed on civil liberties.


    “They  were monitoring completely lawful activities,” said Mara Verheyden-Hilliard, executive director of the Partnership for Civil Justice, a civil liberties group that recently obtained the documents on the BRIC’s monitoring of Occupy Boston under the Freedom of Information Act. She said the BRIC monitoring was an example of the “vast expenditure of government money” to collect intelligence on activities unrelated to terrorism, in violation of First Amendment rights.

    A Boston police spokeswoman said the department has changed its reporting procedures since the monitoring of the protests and emphasized that the BRIC is “about a lot more than terrorism.”

    A Homeland Security official declined comment, saying the BRIC, like other fusion centers, was “locally owned and operated.” But the official noted that, just five days before the marathon bombing, the BRIC did produce an assessment for the event that, while concluding there was “no specific” or “credible” threat information, advised that “officials should be aware of a range of potential terrorist threats, from scattered unsophisticated attacks to dispersal of chemical or biological agents.” The assessment also identified the marathon finish line — where the bombing took place — as well as Fenway Park as “an area of increased vulnerability.”

    The internal police documents about the activities of the BRIC show that on Sept. 30, 2011 — just two days after the second Russian warning about Tsarnaev was sent to the CIA — the Boston police unit was focused on an upcoming “Take Back Boston Rally” planned for the city’s Dewey Square.

    “Approximately 100 people are listed as attending the Take Back Boston Rally on the event’s Facebook page and Occupy Boston organziers are encouraging people to attend it as well,” reads one BRIC report written by a U.S. homeland security official on Sept. 30, 2011. “The BRIC has received information that approximately 700 people will participate in the Take Back Boston march, with approximately 100 people staying to camp out as part of Occupy Boston.”

    A follow-up report, three days days later, tracked the number of protesters, noting that “the size of the camp in Dewey Square has steadily grown over the weekend” and that “according to the group’s website” the demonstrators were planning two marches, including one to a “local media station, very likely to be Fox News Boston on Beacon Hill.”

    Verheyden-Hilliard, whose group obtained the documents, said it was not surprising that the BRIC would be reporting such information since later documents appear to show Homeland Security officials requesting such data. In one “Daily Intelligence Briefing,” dated Oct. 21, 2011, the “Threat Management Division” of Homeland Security’s Federal Protective Service outlines a “template for creating the daily intelligence brief for your region” and then cites a “list of events we want to request” that officials submit “for daily briefing information.” Among the categories, in addition to reporting on domestic terrorist acts and “significant criminal activity” is one called “Peaceful Activist Demonstrations.”

    NBC News

    Boston Police Commissioner Ed Davis testifies Thursday before a House committee on the marathon bombings.

    In his testimony Thursday, Commissioner Davis acknowledged to a House committee that his department, which runs the BRIC, was never provided any of the intelligence from the FBI and CIA that Tsarnaev, a resident of Cambridge, had been twice flagged by the Russians as an Islamic radical with ties to “underground” groups in that country.

    “We were not aware of the two brothers,” Davis said in response to questioning by Rep. Mike McCaul of Texas, chairman of the House Homeland Security Committee. “We were not aware of Tamerlan’s activities.”

    Davis acknowledged that police counterterrorism detectives were assigned to an FBI Joint Terrorism Task Force (JTTF) -- a separate unit from the Homeland Security fusion centers that serves as the government's primary investigative arm for probing terror threats. An FBI agent at the Boston JTTF conducted an “assessment” of Tsarnaev in 2011 after the first warning about his ties was sent by Russia’s FSB intelligence service. The assessment found no “derogatory” information about Tsarnaev that justified conducting a formal investigation. Later information about Tsarnaev included a second Russian warning to the CIA on Sept. 28, 2011.

    But while Boston police had access to the JTTF’s classified database, Davis said that his own officers assigned to the task force were never  specifically alerted to any the information about Tsarnaev. “They tell me they received no word about that individual prior to the bombing.”

    FBI spokesman Jason Pack said Thursday that state and local members of the JTTF are “responsible for maintaining awareness of possible threats” in their areas and could have performed “customized key word searches” of the FBI database that would have yielded the information about Tsarnaev.

    NBC News researcher Taylor Sears contributed to this report.

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  • Recent immigrant from Canada linked to alleged train terror plot, feds say

    NEW YORK -- Federal prosecutors on Thursday revealed charges that accuse a Tunisian man who had lived in Canada with applying for a visa "to remain in the United States to facilitate an act of terrorism." 


    The charges name Ahmed Abassi, a native of Tunisia who had been living in Canada.  Prosecutors say he came to New York in mid-March. 

    Federal investigators say he met with the men involved in a plot -- first revealed in mid-April -- to attack an Amtrak passenger train from New York to Toronto.  They say the plotters discussed blowing up a bridge at Niagara Falls to cause the train to plunge into the gorge below. 

    Canadian authorities announced in mid-April that the plot had been stopped. They disclosed then that they had arrested two men -- Chaieb Esseghaier of Montreal, a 30-year-old Tunisian graduate student who is reported to have guerrilla warfare training and is described as the ringleader, and Raed Jaser of Toronto, 35, a school bus driver.


     

    Frank Gunn / AP

    Chiheb Esseghaier, one of two suspects arrested last week in Canada in connection with the alleged terror plot to derail a passenger train near the U.S.-Canada border, arrives at Buttonville Airport outside Toronto on April 23.

    Federal prosecutors from the Southern District of New York said Thursday that Abassi was arrested 17 days ago. The fact that word of his arrest was withheld indicates he was likely providing some information about the plot to investigators. 

    He is charged with fraudulently applying for a work visa "in order to remain in the United States to facilitate an act of international terrorism," according to a statement from the Justice Department. 

    Authorities in Canada said in April that an al Qaeda facilitator in Iran had worked with Esseghaier, and also that the train they intended to target was an Amtrak train originating in New York's Penn Station. 

    "Esseghaier was simply a bad guy, and dangerous. This guy was purely evil," said one investigator, and had scientific training and the technical ability to make chemical bombs. 

    Law enforcement officials say Esseghaier met Abassi during a trip to New York. But they say the meeting did not go well.  Abassi, they say, thought he should be the person in charge. As a result of the failure to get along, Abassi did not have a role in the derailment plot. Authorities did not spell out any further the basis for the visa fraud charge beyond saying it was to facilitate an “act of terror.” 

    The FBI has covertly monitored the activities of the two Canadian men, their contact with overseas Al Qaeda facilitators and others, and their possible connection to others who could be linked to the plot. 

    "What Mr. Abassi didn't know was that one of his associates, privy to the details of the plan, was an undercover FBI agent," said George Venizelos, the FBI Assistant Director in Charge of the New York office. 

    The yearlong covert investigation involved electronic and physical surveillance. Authorities emphasize, however, that this was no sting operation.  It was, they say, a significant terror plot, once which failed to get more notice because of the Boston Marathon bombings. 

    CTV News via Reuters

    Raed Jaser is seen arriving at court in the back of a police car in Toronto on April 23.

    Esseghaier and Jaser made their initial court appearances in Canada in April. They are charged with conspiracy to commit murder, conspiracy to interfere with transportation and participating in terrorist group activities. Esseghaier told the court that the Criminal Code of Canada “is not a holy book” and did not apply to him.

    Richard Esposito is senior executive producer of the NBC News investigative unit; Jonathan Dienst is WNBC chief investigative reporter and NBC News contributing correspondent in New York City; Pete Williams is NBC News justice correspondent.

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  • US traffic deaths rise for first time since 2005 -- motorcycle rate a big contributor


    Michael Conroy / AP file

    This school bus crash on the southeast side of Indianapolis on March 12, 2012, killed the driver and a student.

    For the first time in nearly a decade, the number of traffic deaths went up and a shift away from motorcycle helmet laws may be to blame, according to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) and helmet advocacy groups.


    An improving economy, which leads to more discretionary driving, also played a role in the increase, according to NHTSA officials. “With a rebounding economy that there’s increased discretionary driving, which is clearly always the leader in terms of dangerous driving scenarios,” NHTSA Administrator David Strickland said.

    Read more from The Detroit Bureau

    Last year was the first year that deaths rose since 2005 and it marked the highest number of people to die on U.S. roads since 2008. The total number of fatalities rose 5.3 percent to 34,080, according to the NHTSA estimate.

    Read more: Elio Shows 3-Wheel Prototype 

    The Governors Highway Safety Association (GHSA) is projecting that approximately 5,000 motorcyclists died in 2012: a 9 percent increase from 2011. This would represent 14.7 percent of overall traffic fatalities, the highest percentage ever.


    Motorcycle deaths are up for several reasons: unseasonably warm winter weather early last year drew more riders out; high gas prices have led to an increase in motorcycle sales and more riders; and states continue to overturn laws that required helmet use.

    “We’re seeing a really heightened number of motorcycle crashes and fatalities, which has really been driving the numbers in a lot of states,” Strickland said.

    NHTSA said road deaths rose in all four quarters of 2012 and the fatality rate rose to 1.16 deaths per 100 million miles traveled, up from 1.10 in 2012 — and the highest fatality rate since 2008.

    The rise follows a steady decline in road deaths since 2005, when 43,510 people died. Road deaths are down 26 percent since 2005. Road deaths in 2011 hit a 60-year-low, falling to 32,367.

    Read more: Chrysler Adding Engine Line

    “After years of historic lows, any small uptick is going to look like a strong contrast,” Strickland said.

    However, the focus on motorcycle fatalities is hard to escape in May, which is National Motorcycle Safety Awareness Month. Proponents of mandatory helmet laws point to the fact that motorcycle traffic fatalities went up in 34 states and decreased in 16 states.

    Right now only 19 states require them of all riders, down from 26 states that did so in 1997. Several states repealed mandatory helmet laws in recent years, including Michigan, Pennsylvania.

    Campaigns to repeal the laws are underway in some of the remaining states, and no state has enacted a universal helmet requirement since Louisiana did so in 2004.

    Every region of the country saw motorcycle fatality numbers rise last year, including jumps of 32 percent in Oregon, 29 percent in Indiana, 18 percent in Michigan and 8 percent in Pennsylvania.

    Read more: Ferrari Puts Brakes On Production

    However, opponents of mandatory helmet laws claim the rise in fatalities can't be attributed simply to riders not wearing helmets.

    (Click here for more about the report on the rise in motorcycle fatalities.)

    The Alliance of Bikers Aimed Toward Education (ABATE), a Pennsylvania-based organization that opposes helmet mandates, said fatality levels are influenced by several other factors, including an increase in motorcycle riding, alcohol impairment and road deterioration.

    Charles Umbenhauer, ABATE’s lobbyist, said motorcycle registrations in his state increased from 286,531 to 404,409 last year. The fatality rate in the last full year of the state helmet mandate was 5.5 per 10,000 registrations, and 5.2 per 10,000 last year, the first year of the repeal.

    “It’s common sense. If you put more motorcycles on the highway, you’re going to have more accidents and more fatalities,” he said.

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  • Long before he was charged, Ariel Castro was accuser in sexual assault case

    John Makely / NBC News

    Fernando Colon was accused by Ariel Castro in 2004 of sexually assaulting the latter's daughters, Emily and Arlene, who also were his stepdaughters. He was initially charged with 28 counts, including rape and kidnapping, but was found guilty of five lesser offenses.

    Nearly a decade before being charged with kidnapping, raping and torturing three Cleveland women, Ariel Castro was himself the accuser in a sexual assault case involving his daughters. The accusations, which resulted in the conviction of his ex-wife’s second husband, now offer a new window into Castro’s tangled family relationships. 

    The case against Fernando Colon also raises questions about whether FBI agents squandered an opportunity to question Castro about the disappearance of two of the women in the months after their abductions.

    John Gress / Reuters

    Ariel Castro appears in court Thursday in Cleveland.

    Castro made the accusations against Colon, 39, in July 2004, shortly after 14-year-old Georgina “Gina” DeJesus vanished on her way home from the west Cleveland middle school she attended. 

    Colon, the husband of Ariel Castro’s ex-common-law wife, Grimilda “Nilda” Figueroa, says he told two FBI agents nine years ago to investigate Castro in connection with the disappearances of Amanda Berry and DeJesus, but that the agents seemed uninterested in his tip.

    Castro has now been charged with four counts of kidnapping and three counts of rape for allegedly abducting DeJesus, Berry and Michelle Knight, and was arraigned on Thursday.


    When DeJesus, a seventh-grader, disappeared on April 2, 2004, the FBI had reason to question Fernando Colon. Colon, was the stepfather of 13-year-old Arlene Castro, Ariel Castro’s daughter, who was DeJesus’ self-described best friend and had been with her right before she vanished. He also was the last adult known to have seen DeJesus before her disappearance. 

    According to Chris Giannini, a private investigator who at the time was Colon’s boss, when school let out that day, Arlene Castro and DeJesus walked to Westown Square, the nearby shopping center where Colon worked as a security officer. Arlene asked Colon if Gina could come over and spend the night. 

    When Colon said” no,” according to Giannini, the girls tried to get around Fernando “by checking with mom” via payphone. He said the girls got a second “no” from Figueroa.   

    'The last one to see Gina'
    After  Gina DeJesus disappeared, Arlene Castro told investigators that she and her friend went their separate ways when their sleepover was nixed. But according to a Cleveland police report issued Wednesday, Gina DeJesus has added a new detail. She says that before they separated, they also talked to Ariel Castro. After the girls split up, DeJesus now says, Ariel Castro returned and offered her a ride, which she accepted.

    Soon after the disappearance, FBI agents contacted Giannini and said they wanted to question Colon “because he was the last one to see Gina,” according to Giannini. They searched the patrol car that Colon used to cruise the Westown parking lot to make sure Gina had not been in the car. According to Colon, FBI Agent Phil Torsney and another agent whose name he doesn’t recall then conducted a polygraph. 

    “I guess I passed the polygraph,” recalled Colon. Having taken courses in policing, Colon said he understood why he had been questioned, but realized that there was someone else the FBI agents should contact. 

    John Makely / Courtesy of Fernando Colon

    Fernando Colon keeps this photo of Grimilda "Nilda" Figueroa in his Cleveland apartment.

    According to Colon, Castro, who had not spent much time with the girls since splitting from their mother in 1995, and had contributed little to their financial support, had recently started spending more time with  them, driving them places and buying them cellphones. Colon said he told the agents that Castro also might have been acquainted with two of the missing girls -- in addition to Arlene’s close friendship with DeJesus, his older daughter, Emily, was friends with Amanda Berry, who had disappeared nearly a year earlier. 

    “I said that if you’re talking to me because of my stepdaughters you should really be talking to Ariel Castro. He has more chance and opportunity than I do,” said Colon. “These girls are best friends with his daughters. (The agents) told me, ‘Well, we have to deal with you. Whatever arises in the case, we’ll take care of that.’” Colon does not know if they ever followed up and questioned Castro. 

    Agent Torsney, who is now retired from the FBI and living in another state, did not immediately respond to a request for comment. At a press conference Wednesday, FBI Special Agent Stephen Anthony took issue with Colon’s version of events, telling reporters that his agency had "scrubbed" its records on  the case and had found no mention of Colon referring to Castro, and had “no reason to believe” he’d made the statement. 

    Colon says he heard nothing more from law enforcement about the DeJesus case after the polygraph. Several months later, however, Colon found himself under investigation for a different crime. Ariel Castro and his daughters Emily, 16, and Arlene, 13, alleged that Colon had molested both girls between 1996 and 2001. 

    Payback seen behind accusation
    Colon maintains his innocence, and told NBC News that he thinks Ariel Castro made the accusations as a way of fulfilling a threat he’d made back in 1995, when his wife left him for Colon.

    Grimilda Figueroa and Colon met when Colon was working at a local hospital, and Figueroa came in with injuries that she said were the result of abuse by Castro. She had accused Castro of domestic violence in 1993, but a grand jury declined to indict him. 

    After she’d come to the hospital a few times, Colon said he offered her a way out of her relationship with Castro. “(Castro) had so much control over her,” Colon said. “He had her so wrapped up she had nobody to talk to. She told me his windows were tinted so nobody could see in and there were padlocks on the doors.  . .  I said, ‘If you were offered help to get out of the situation, would you take it?’ She said, ‘Yes.’” 

    After the breakup, Figueroa and her four children by Ariel Castro – Anthony, Angie, Emily and Arlene  – went to live with Colon in 1995. According to Colon, Castro was furious, and after peppering the house with abusive phone calls, issued a threat to Colon. “He told me very clearly, ‘One day I’m going to get back at you and I’m going to ruin your life.’” Colon said that Castro waited for his moment “and then accused me of something that does the most damage to a person.” 

    Castro made the molestation accusations in July 2004, two months after DeJesus vanished. “I think he did it to get police attention away from him,” said Colon. “By that point I think he already had all three (kidnapped) women under his roof.” 

    NBCNews.com/Courtesy of Kayla Rogers

    Arlene Castro poses for a picture in march of 2004.

    Colon believes that his stepdaughters, Emily and Arlene, went along with their dad’s molestation charges because Castro had begun buying them things and doing them favors, even promising to get them a car, and because the girls resented Colon’s attempts to impose discipline. In court documents, he said that he had a “long history” with the two girls: “Defendant states that they are unruly and they don’t listen.” He also said that Emily was a drug user who at age 16 would stay away from the house for weeks at a time, according to court documents. 

    Figueroa testified on Colon’s behalf at his 2005 bench trial. She said that Castro had started purchasing clothes for Arlene and had promised Emily an SUV. Figueroa also claimed that Castro, who had recently inherited some money, had promised her an expensive present as well. “Castro told me to go along with the complaints against Fernando Colon and he would buy me a new car,” said Figueroa in a pre-trial affidavit. “Castro was laughing and excited. … Castro believes that we will be together again.”

    In the affidavit, she said that Arlene had “never discussed any inappropriate conduct between her and Fernando” and that as a stay-at-home mom, she had never witnessed any inappropriate sexual contact between Colon and his stepdaughters.

    Arlene and Emily testified against Colon. But Anthony Castro, Ariel’s son, joined his mother in testifying on Colon’s behalf, saying he didn’t believe the charges of molestation.

    Ex-wife sought restraining order
    According to Chris Giannini, just before the trial began, Figueroa said that Ariel Castro had threatened to harm her if the girls did not testify at the trial. Arlene did not want to testify, said Giannini, and Emily was in Indiana with her adult boyfriend and didn’t want to return to Ohio. Figueroa sought a temporary restraining order, in which she inventoried years of alleged abuse at Castro’s hands: she alleged he had broken her nose twice, broken her ribs and caused a blood clot or tumor in her brain.

    Giannini acted as an investigator for Colon in 2004 and 2005, helping his employee prepare his defense. At one point, he was able to arrange an interview with Castro to ask him about the allegations. Giannini said that Castro claimed that while he was driving Arlene and a friend around, the friend alleged that Fernando had stood over her while she was at a sleepover at Arlene’s house.

    According to Giannini, Castro then claimed Arlene said that Colon had penetrated her digitally and demanded to know who she was having sex with.

    “I had already heard somebody tell me the exact same story about Ariel,” said Giannini, who described the informant as “a family member.” “Right away I know what (Castro) is doing.  He’s projecting his own behavior on to Fernando.”

    When the case against Colon went to trial at the end of August 2005, Ariel Castro took the stand to deny that he had ever abused Figueroa. Instead, he said, Figueroa had tried to get physical with him, once hitting her head on a door jamb in the process, which resulted in a trip to the hospital.

    He also denied threatening Colon and Figueroa, and said he had gone to police immediately after hearing Arlene and her friend talking about Colon’s alleged inappropriate sexual behavior. When asked if anyone lived with him at his house on Seymour Avenue –  the address where police recovered Berry, DeJesus and Knight on Monday -- he said, “No.”

    Kathleen DeMetz, Ariel Castro’s public defender in the kidnap and rape case, said she was unfamiliar with the Colon case and declined further comment.

    The indictment of Colon originally contained 28 counts, including rape and kidnapping. On Sept. 6, 2005, the judge found Colon guilty on five counts of gross sexual imposition. He was sentenced to three years of probation, and is now a registered sex offender in Ohio.

    “He hasn’t been able to get steady work in eight years,” said Giannini. “You can’t work in this field (security) with a felony on your record.” Colon also split up with Figueroa for good after the trial.

    When news of Castro’s arrest broke, said Colon, his mother called him from Puerto Rico, sobbing. “She said, ‘I told you that all you had to do is have faith and something would come out,’” said Colon.

    Now that Ariel Castro is in custody, said Colon, “I want my life back.” Colon and Giannini see an opportunity to challenge his conviction and repair his reputation. One of the first items on their agenda is speaking to Colon’s former stepdaughters to see if they will reconsider their testimony.

    Talking to Emily Castro will require a trip to Indiana. Now 25, she’s currently serving a 25-year sentence in an Indiana state prison for the attempted murder of her daughter.

    In April 2007, Emily slashed the then-11-month-old girl’s neck and then tried to slash her own wrists. At trial, defense attorneys argued that she was insane at the time of the attack. Nilda Figueroa appeared as a witness, testifying that Emily had struggled with depression for years and seemed paranoid since her daughter’s birth. She also said she had taken Emily to get mental help prior to the attempted murder.

    Colon and Giannini also plan to contact Arlene, whose phone was not accepting calls on Wednesday.

    Nilda Figueroa , however, can’t be enlisted in Colon’s bid for rehabilitation. She died in 2012 in Indiana at age 48.

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  • Sex offender briefly accused of killing kidnap victim wants Cleveland apology

    Authorities have already confiscated a number of items from the home where three women were held captive for over ten years and will continue to search for clues today to explain what happened over that decade. NBC's Kristen Dahlgren reports.

    A registered sex offender who was jailed in 2006 after a tipster wrongfully accused him of murdering kidnap victim Gina DeJesus wants an apology from the city of Cleveland.

    “I’m happy they’re home and safe,” Matthew Hurayt said of DeJesus, and fellow kidnap victims Michele Knight and Amanda Berry, who were rescued by a neighbor Monday after years of captivity.

    But Hurayt, whose home was searched in 2006 with TV cameras and a crowd of spectators watching, said there are still injustices connected to the case that need righting. “I want justice for the men that really did it, (the tipster) locked up and the city of Cleveland to make a public apology,” he said.

    Hurayt, whose criminal record includes a conviction for sexual battery of two children, told NBC News that on Sept. 21, 2006, he and roommate John McDonough were arrested after a tipster said that he had raped and killed DeJesus and buried her under his new garage.


    “The police jumped on that and plastered me all over the news,” said Hurayt.

    Hurayt and McDonough were held for several days in the Cleveland City Jail on suspicion of the aggravated murder of DeJesus, who vanished in 2004. As a crowd gathered, police and FBI agents searched the house for 10 hours. They dug under his garage with a backhoe and chopped the cement floor into sections, and dug under the structure. They also dug under a dog house.

    Authorities said that cadaver dogs had “indicated” at several places on the property, and they removed a number of items from the house for further investigation. But they found nothing tying Hurayt to the disappearance of DeJesus or that of Amanda Berry, who got into a strange car in 2003 and never came home.

    Tony Dejak / AP

    A daring escape and a dramatic 911 call led to the rescue of three women who allegedly had been held captive for years inside a home in Cleveland, Ohio.

    “We're disappointed that the search wasn't as fruitful as we hoped,” police Lt. Thomas Stacho told the Cleveland Plain Dealer at the time. “But we would have been remiss if we didn't investigate this lead.” An FBI agent told the DeJesus family, which had already been notified of a possible break in the case, that nothing had been found, the paper said.

    After Hurayt spent a weekend in jail, a judge ordered him released on Sept. 25, 2006, rejecting an assistant county prosecutor’s request to increase his bond on an unrelated assault case. Hurayt’s lawyer, Mark Marein, compared the search for remains on his client’s property to the search for Jimmy Hoffa.

    Hurayt filed a claim for compensation for $20,000 in damages to Hurayt’s property with the city’s Moral Claims Commission, but it was rejected, said Marein.

    Hurayt was required to register as a sex offender because of his sexual battery conviction. He was also convicted in the 2006 assault case, and served time in prison. After he was released in 2010, according to Hurayt, locals remembered that his home had been searched for DeJesus’s remains and continued to think he had some connection to the case. According to Hurayt, in the past three years people have broken his windows, set fire to his garage and harassed him with phone calls.

    Marein said that his client was harassed on a daily basis. “He literally could not walk down the street without people busting his chops.”

    Related story

    Thirteen years, three victims, one shared horror: What we know so far

    Marein said the first telephone call he got Tuesday morning was from Hurayt. “It was, ‘I told you so.’ He wore that scarlet letter for a long time.”

    According to Marein, Hurayt filed police reports detailing some of the incidents of harassment, but police “turned a blind eye.”

    Public information officers for the Cleveland Police Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

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  • Official: US Special Forces team wasn't allowed to fly to Benghazi during attack

    AFP/Getty Images

    An armed man waves his rifle as buildings and cars at the U.S. consulate compound are engulfed in flames on Sept. 11, 2012, during an attack by an armed mob.

     

    A small team of Special Forces operatives was ready to fly from Tripoli to Benghazi last year after Libyan insurgents attacked the U.S. mission there, but was told it was not authorized to board the flight by regional military commanders, according to a career State Department official scheduled to testify before Congress on Wednesday.

    Gregory Hicks, then deputy chief of the U.S. diplomatic mission in Libya, told investigators for the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee that U.S. officials had persuaded the Libyan government to allow the Special Forces operatives to board the rescue flight from Tripoli to Benghazi. But an officer received a phone call telling them to stand down before they left for the airport, according to excerpts of his account made available to NBC News on Monday. That conversation occurred after the U.S. ambassador to Libya and another American had been killed in the initial attack, but hours before a second attack that killed two other Americans.

    Hicks quoted a Special Forces commander as telling him, "I have never been so embarrassed in my life, that a State Department officer has bigger balls than somebody in the military," referring to his willingness to authorize the mission.    

    U.S. military officials confirmed Hicks' account late Monday, but said the team was reviewing security measures at the Embassy and was not equipped for combat.

    The Special Forces soldiers would have been the second group of U.S. government personnel to travel to Benghazi. Earlier, six Americans flew from Tripoli to Benghazi to attempt to aid the embattled personnel at the diplomatic mission.

    Sources told NBC News that Hicks told investigators that the team that was denied permission to fly to Benghazi consisted of just four Special Operations soldiers and that the flight did not arrive in time for their presence to have had an impact in the fighting. Two Americans, including U.S. Ambassador Christopher Stevens, were killed in the initial attack on the Benghazi consulate, which began just before 10 p.m. on Sept. 11. Two former Navy SEALs died in a mortar attack on a nearby U.S. diplomatic annex early on Sept. 12, shortly before the flight from Tripoli arrived.

    Hicks also said that the U.S. did not seek permission from the Libyan government to scramble aircraft to respond to the attack, saying he believed that the show of airpower would have intimidated the Libyan Islamists blamed for the attack.

    “I believe if we had been able to scramble a fighter or aircraft or two over Benghazi as quickly as possible after the attack commenced,” said Hicks, “I believe there would not have been a mortar attack on the annex in the morning because I believe the Libyans would have split.  They would have been scared to death that we would have gotten a laser on them and killed them. “

    U.S. State Department spokesman Patrick Ventrell responds to sharp questioning Monday regarding expected testimony of Gregory Hicks, former deputy chief of the U.S. diplomatic mission in Libya, on whether officials declined to send assets to Benghazi during last year's consulate attack.

    Hicks said that the U.S. never asked permission from the Libyans to enter their airspace, believing Benghazi was too remote a target and that it would take two to three hours to get F-16s in the air. “The answer was, ’It’s too far away, there are no tankers, there is nothing that could respond,’” he recalled. 

    The only U.S. defenders who arrived in time to battle the insurgents was a small group of men who chartered a plane in Tripoli after the initial assault on the Benghazi consulate and arrived in Benghazi by 1:30 a.m. on Sept. 12, in time to help set up a defense at the diplomatic annex. Ex-SEALs Glen Doherty and Tyrone Woods, were killed in a mortar attack on the compound between 5 and 6 a.m.

    A Libyan C-130 transport plane that would’ve carried the second group of U.S. Special Forces operatives from Tripoli to Benghazi ultimately left Tripoli for Benghazi between 6 and 6:30 a.m., after Doherty and Woods were dead. It later evacuated survivors from the attack.

    Two separate U.S. Special Forces teams from elsewhere in Europe were ultimately authorized to respond to the attacks, but did not arrive at staging bases until the evening of Sept. 12, more than 12 hours after the fighting had ended.

    U.S. military officials confirmed late Monday that a four-man Special Operations Forces team was denied permission to leave the US Embassy in Tripoli following reports that the consulate in Benghazi had been attacked.

    The officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the team was reviewing security at U.S. embassies throughout the Middle East and was not prepared for a combat assault mission, being armed with only 9mm sidearms.

    They also noted that the situation at Benghazi remained unclear and there were concerns the Embassy in Tripoli also could become a target. 

    In his testimony, Hicks also said he felt the State Department’s special Accountability Review Board report on Benghazi, issued in December, was “incomplete.”

    “The ARB report itself doesn’t really ascribe blame to any individual at all,” said Hicks. “It does let people off the hook.”

    In addition to Hicks, the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee is scheduled to hear testimony from Mark Thompson, acting deputy assistant secretary for counterterrorism, and Eric Nordstrom, diplomatic security officer and former regional security officer in Libya.

    Both Hicks and Thompson are career State Department employees and described as “whistleblowers” because they say they fear retribution from senior State Department officials.

    Neither Hicks nor Thompson had yet spoken publicly about the attacks. Committee Chairman Darrell Issa, R-Calif., called Hicks’ testimony “startling.” Thompson and Hicks are being represented by high-powered Republican lawyers Joseph diGenova and Victoria Toensing, who have characterized the ARB report as a “cover-up.”

    Both the White House and State Department challenged the assertion that Hicks' testimony was new.

    "These issues have been addressed and reviewed in great detail by the Accountability Review Board,” State Department spokesman Patrick Ventrell said at a briefing.  “There were eight hearings, 30 briefings, 25,000 documents. The ARB interviewed over 100 witnesses.” 

    NBC Chief Pentagon Correspondent Jim Miklaszewski and Pentagon Producer Courtney Kube contributed to this report.

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  • Gitmo detainees' lawyer describes 'brutal' force-feeding of hunger strikers

    Hunger-striking detainees at the Guantanamo detention facility are being force-fed through tubes inserted into their noses twice a day -- causing them to gag for air and vomit -- during a procedure that a U.S. military defense lawyer just returned from the U.S. base in Cuba described as “brutal” and agonizing.

    Lt. Col. Barry Wingard, who represents two Kuwaiti detainees at Guantanamo, told NBC News on Sunday that one of his clients described being shackled by his wrists and around his waist —while food is “dumped into this throat” for up to two hours at a time.  His comments came as the U.S. military released new photos showing the chair to which hunger-striking detainees are strapped, and bottles of Ensure, the nutritional supplement, that they are being fed.

    “When that tube goes up your nose, your eyes begin to water, as it passes through the back of your skull. As it passes through your throat, you begin to gag and you begin to suck for air until it's passed into your stomach,” Wingard said. “It’s agony, according to my client.

    “The more times that you’ve been force-fed this way, the more your nose gets inflamed, the more your esophagus begins to burn, the more your stomach begins to burn.”

    Ronald Flanders, a spokesman for the U.S. Southern Command, said Sunday the force-feeding is a “legally approved procedure” used by the U.S. Bureau of Prisons  – and that the technique is similar to that used for the elderly and small children. He also said the procedure is necessary to save lives. “We have an obligation to keep these folks safe,” he said.

    The procedure is controversial within the medical community. The American Medical Association recently wrote a letter to Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel saying the force-feeding “violates core ethical values of the medical profession” when a prisoner makes a rational decision to refuse food.

    Of the 166 detainees at Guantanamo, 100 are now hunger striking and 23 are being force-fed, according to the U.S. military’s latest figures.

    The widening protest last week prompted President Barack Obama to renew his efforts to shutter the prison, used to hold suspected terrorists taken into custody in overseas battlefields. “The idea that we would still maintain forever a group of individuals who have not been tried, that is contrary to who we are, it is contrary to our interests and it needs to stop,” he said.

    Congress has so far blocked his efforts, placing restrictions on transferring the detainees to foreign jurisdictions or bringing them into federal prisons in the United States. “The fact is there’s been no coherent plan presented to the Congress of the United States as to how we would dispose of these individuals,” Republican Sen. John McCain said Sunday on Fox News. “And one of them is not to send them back into the fight where they can kill more Americans.”

    Wingard, who returned from a five-day trip to Guantanamo last week, said conditions at the facility are “dire and getting worse.” One of his clients, a Kuwaiti named Faiz al-Kandari, has lost a third of his body weight and now weighs 105 pounds but appears determined to continue, he said. Aggravating the situation, 86 detainees have been cleared for release or transfer, but efforts to send them home have stalled, making them more desperate, he said.

    As for renewed talk by Obama and others about closing the base, Wingard said, “These men have heard these words for the past eleven and one half years. They’re not going to be brutalized into submission, and I think the net result will be some of them will die.” 

    New photos released by the U.S. military show how it is dealing with the hunger strike in Guantanamo Bay, NBC's Michael Isikoff reports.

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  • Texas fertilizer plant where blast killed 14 was repeat target of theft, tampering

    LM Otero/AP

    An investigator pauses while sifting through the debris of the destroyed fertilizer plant in West, Texas, May 2. Investigators face a slew of challenges in figuring out what caused the explosion at the fertilizer plant that killed 14 people.

    The Texas fertilizer plant that exploded two weeks ago, killing 14 people and injuring about 200, was a repeat target of theft by intruders who tampered with tanks and caused the release of toxic chemicals, police records reviewed by Reuters show.

    Police responded to at least 11 reports of burglaries and five separate ammonia leaks at West Fertilizer Co over the past 12 years, according to 911 dispatch logs and criminal offense reports Reuters obtained from the McLennan County Sheriff's office in Waco, Texas, through an Open Records Request.

    Some of the leaks, including one reported in October 2012, were linked to theft of or interference with tank valves.

    According to one 2002 crime report, a plant manager told police that intruders were stealing four to five gallons of anhydrous ammonia every three days. The liquid gas can be used to cook methamphetamine, the addictive and illicit stimulant.

    In rural areas across the United States, the thriving meth trade has turned storage facilities like West Fertilizer Co and even unattended tanks in farm fields into frequent targets of theft, according to several government and fertilizer industry reports issued over the past 13 years.

    The cause of the April 17 blast at the plant in the town of West is still being probed, and investigators have offered no evidence that security breaches contributed to the deadly incident. There also is no indication that the explosion had anything to do with the theft of materials for drug making. Anhydrous ammonia has been ruled out as a cause because the four storage tanks remained intact after the blast, said Rachel Moreno, a spokeswoman for the Texas Fire Marshal's Office.

    Many leads
    Investigators are pursuing about 100 leads, including a call to an arson hotline and a tip that there had been a fire on the property earlier on the day of the explosion, according to Moreno. Authorities have not said whether either tip was credible. About 80 investigators from various state and federal agencies are contributing to the probe. They hope to determine by May 10 what caused the explosion, Texas Fire Marshal Chris Connealy said at a state legislative hearing on Wednesday.

    A spokesman for the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, one of several state and federal agencies that monitor security at chemical plants, declined to answer questions about the breaches of security at West Fertilizer Co. State investigators also declined to comment.

    Thefts of anhydrous ammonia are common in McLennan County, where burglars siphon fertilizer from trailer tanks into 5-gallon propane containers, said McLennan County Chief Deputy Sheriff Matt Cawthon, who took up the position in January.

    After reviewing crime reports from the past 12 years and speaking to deputies who responded to some of the break-ins, Cawthon said security was clearly lax at the plant.

    The perimeter was not fenced, and the facility had no burglar alarms or security guards, he said. "It was a hometown-like situation. Everybody trusts everybody."

    Chemical safety experts said the recurrent security breaches at West Fertilizer are troubling because they suggest vulnerability to theft, leaks, fires or explosions. Apart from anhydrous ammonia, the company stored tons of ammonium nitrate, a fertilizer that can be used in bomb-making. No thefts of that substance were reported to police.

    "Regardless of what triggered this specific event, the fact that there were lots of burglaries and that they were after ammonia clearly shows this plant was vulnerable to unwanted intruders or even a terrorist attack," said Sam Mannan, a chemical process safety expert at Texas A&M University, who has advised Dow Chemical and others on chemical security.

    New law
    Owners of West Fertilizer, responding through a representative, declined to answer questions about specific instances of theft or the level of security at the plant. The company has encouraged its employees to share "all they know" with investigators, said Daniel Keeney, a spokesman for the company.

    The current owners of West Fertilizer are Donald Adair, 83, and Wanda Adair, 78, who bought it in 2004. Calls to a number listed for previous owner Emil Plasek were not returned.

    In a 2006 permit application with the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality (TCEQ), the company reported it would protect ammonia tanks against theft or tampering and conduct daily equipment inspections. A TCEQ spokesman would not comment about security measures. He said the agency's responsibility is to regulate emissions from the plant, not to oversee security.

    Documents from the Texas Department of State Health Services show the West plant was storing 540,000 pounds of ammonium nitrate and 54,000 pounds of anhydrous ammonia in 2012. Ammonium nitrate was among the ingredients in the bomb used by Timothy McVeigh to blow up the Oklahoma City federal building in 1995, killing 168 people.

    After that bombing, Congress passed a law requiring facilities that store large amounts of the chemical to report to the DHS and work with the agency to ensure proper security measures are in place to keep it out of criminal hands and protect against such attacks.

    West Fertilizer did not report to DHS, despite storing hundreds of times more ammonium nitrate than the amount that would require it do so. Companies are required to report if they store at least 2,000 pounds of fertilizer-grade ammonium nitrate, or 400 pounds of the substance when it's combined with combustible material.

    A 2005 U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) study identified hundreds of cases in 16 states where anhydrous ammonia was stolen for use in meth production. Some illegal labs mix anhydrous ammonia with ephedrine or pseudoephedrine and sodium or lithium to make methamphetamine, the U.S. Department of Justice reported in 2001.

    In dozens of instances, the CDC said, the thefts by meth makers siphoning ammonia from tanks caused injuries or forced evacuations because gas was released into the environment. However, cases of ammonia theft have become less frequent since 2006, when new laws restricted the sale of pseudoephedrine, which is found in some common cold drug remedies, according to The Fertilizer Institute, an industry association.

    Police records show West Fertilizer began complaining of repeated thefts from the facility in June 2001, when burglars stole 150 pounds of anhydrous ammonia from storage tanks three nights in a row. Nearly a year later, a plant manager told police that thieves were siphoning 4-to-5 gallons of the liquefied fertilizer every three days.

    Randy Plemons, who was chief deputy sheriff during the years when the thefts occurred, declined to discuss specifics of his agency's response to the repeated break-ins.

    Related stories

    Texas plant explosion death toll raised to 14

    Officials still don't know what caused Texas fertilizer explosion

    After Texas fertilizer blast, victims rely on each other

    "Whenever we were notified of the burglaries and thefts we responded to those," he said. "I can't speak to every offense."

    Company owners downplayed security risks in documents submitted to the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality in 2006, saying thefts had dropped to zero over the preceding 20 months as meth makers now had found a substitute for anhydrous ammonia available at garden nurseries or major retailers.

    Very strong odor
    Yet burglars and trespassers continued to target the facility. Following a series of break-ins in late 2008 and early 2009, including one where a trespasser visited pornographic websites on a secretary's computer, police told plant manager Ted Uptmore -- who has worked at the company for decades -- to install a surveillance system. Later documents indicate the company complied. Uptmore did not respond to phone calls seeking comment for this story.

    The last record of tampering was in October 2012, when a 911 caller reported an odor "so strong it can burn your eyes." The firm dispatched Cody Dragoo, an employee often sent after hours to shut leaking valves and look into break-ins. That night, he shut off the valve but reported it had been tampered with.

    Two weeks ago, Dragoo, 50, was among those killed in the blast while responding to the fire.

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  • Court asked to toss high-profile NYC murder conviction, after DA won't

    Dateline NBC

    Jon-Adrian Velazquez, who is serving a 25-years-to-life sentence in Sing Sing prison for killing a former New York City police officer, in his cell in 2011.

    NEW YORK -- Attorneys for a New York City man serving a 25-years-to-life sentence for the murder of a retired police officer on Thursday filed a motion demanding a new trial for their client, calling the Manhattan district attorney’s decision not to toss out the verdict after an extensive re-investigation of the case a “cruel joke.”

    The mother of Jon-Adrian Velazquez, the man convicted of the killing, was near tears as she joined attorneys Robert Gottlieb and Celia Gordon during a morning news conference outside a state courthouse in lower Manhattan to announce the filing of a motion to vacate his murder conviction. “It’s 15 years later and I’m still standing here at 100 Centre St.,” said Maria Velazquez. “But I am hopeful, and so is Jon-Adrian, that we will get justice. He must be a free man, because he is an innocent man, and we have proven it.”



    In a case based on witnesses’ testimony, Velazquez, then 22, was arrested and later convicted of second-degree murder in the 1998 death of ex-cop Albert Ward, who ran an illegal gambling parlor in Harlem. His case and new information suggesting he may have been wrongfully convicted were the focus of a 2012 “Dateline NBC” investigation.

    Velazquez’s attorneys also used Thursday’s news conference to blast District Attorney Cyrus Vance and his Conviction Integrity Program, which reviewed evidence in the high-profile case for 18 months and then opted to leave Velazquez in Sing-Sing Prison.

    Jon-Adrian Velazquez, serving 25 years to life at Sing Sing prison for the murder of a retired cop, started writing letters to a Dateline producer in 2002. He claimed he was wrongfully convicted and challenged Dateline to find any evidence of his guilt. A 10-year investigation begins. Luke Russert reports.

    Gottlieb said he was shocked that the Conviction Integrity Program had decided to let the conviction stand despite what he called recantations by some original witnesses and accounts from newly located witnesses who said the killer was a man named “Mustafa.”

    “The entire case was based on eyewitness identifications,” said Gottlieb. “Since the 1999 trial we have learned so much more about the fallibility of eyewitness accounts. There is nothing left justifying Jon-Adrian Velazquez spending one more moment in prison.”

    Gottlieb said he regretted trusting the Conviction Integrity Unit and that Vance – on whose transition team he served in 2010 -- had played a “cruel joke” on the Velazquez family.

    “We were optimistic and hopeful, knowing what we know, that justice would be done speedily and Jon-Adrian would walk out of Sing Sing,” he said. “We were wrong.”

    On Jan. 27, 1998, half a dozen people -- nearly all drug users or dealers, according to trial testimony -- were inside the gambling parlor when two men came in and announced a robbery.  Witnesses told police that one of the men had a gun; the other started binding people with duct tape.  A struggle ensued and Ward was shot once in the head by the gunman. 

    Witnesses described the two perpetrators as a dark-skinned black man and a light-skinned black man with braided hair and a knit cap.

    Velazquez, who is Hispanic and had never worn his hair in braids, according to court records, was later arrested after a witness picked his photo from a book of police mug shots, and two other witnesses corroborated the identification.

    Velazquez, who said he was at home speaking on the phone with his mother at the time of the robbery, and had a phone bill that he says proved it, has always maintained his innocence. He started writing letters to a “Dateline” producer in 2002, claiming he was wrongfully convicted and challenging “Dateline” to find any evidence of his guilt.

    In 2012, according to Gottlieb, two witnesses came forward to say that a light-skinned crack dealer named Mustafa who wore his hair in dreadlocks told them he was involved in the shooting.

    Gottlieb said that when the DA’s office questioned the witnesses, it tried to undercut their credibility and ultimately discounted their stories.

    Related stories:

    Manhattan DA keeps high-profile murder conviction after review

    Witness error: How mind tricks can put the innocent behind bars

    The Manhattan DA’s office began looking into the case in October 2011 at the request of Velazquez’s attorneys. The decision not to challenge the conviction was announced in a 16-page letter to Velazquez’s attorney last month.

    In a statement, Erin Duggan, chief spokeswoman for the DA, said that the reinvestigation “did not uncover evidence sufficient to demonstrate that Mr. Velazquez is innocent of the crimes for which he was tried and convicted by a jury. This is now a court matter and we will respond in due course to the motion filed today. But it is beyond baffling that these lawyers, who spent many hours with many senior prosecutors working on this reinvestigation, would vilify the District Attorney’s Office now that the result is not what they had hoped for. Any suggestion that this was other than a thorough re-investigation is, simply put, false.”

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