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  • 26
    Sep
    2012
    3:57pm, EDT

    How prosecutorial turf wars complicated probe of bank's money-laundering lapses

    Tomas Bravo / Reuters file

    Pedestrians walk past the entrance of British bank HSBC's headquarters in Mexico City in July.

    By Carrick Mollenkamp and Brett Wolf
    Reuters

    In the second half of 2010, a senior federal prosecutor in West Virginia drafted an impassioned plea to his bosses in Washington to end infighting as multiple government agencies pursued a high-stakes investigation of HSBC Holdings Plc.

    William Ihlenfeld II had been fighting a losing battle against fellow prosecutors in Washington and Brooklyn, who were jointly conducting a parallel probe into the British bank's controls over illicit transactions.


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    Ihlenfeld, the U.S. attorney in Wheeling, W. Va., said in the draft letter, a copy of which has been seen by Reuters, that there had been a breakdown in the relationship, and his office had been told to stand down in June 2010 by the Department of Justice, just as they were preparing to indict the bank for as many as 175 counts of money laundering.

    An earlier mediation had failed. So for the first time in 30 years, Ihlenfeld said his office was seeking an arbitration of such a dispute.


    "We have made several offers to amicably settle this dispute by dividing the investigation in a way that guaranteed the two investigations would never interfere with each other," Ihlenfeld wrote in the letter addressed to Gary Grindler, then the acting deputy attorney general. "Despite our best effort, all of our offers have been categorically rejected. None of our proposals has even induced a counter-offer.

    "As a general proposition, there is no reason why the professionals from different DOJ components cannot work together for the common good. This particular situation is no exception."

    It is not clear whether Ihlenfeld ultimately sent the letter or whether the Department of Justice agreed to arbitrate the dispute. But the draft provides a rare insight into the secret world of prosecutors, and sheds new light on a large and complex U.S. investigation that some two years later may lead to a settlement of more than $1 billion with HSBC.

    At least 11 different U.S. departments, offices and regulators -- largely comprising the two competing groups -- as well as the U.S. Senate have probed HSBC for money-laundering lapses in investigations that date back to at least 2007.

    Ihlenfeld's letter, other Department of Justice documents, regulatory filings and interviews with those close to the HSBC prosecution show how multiple -- and sometimes overlapping -- inquiries have slowed the prosecution and added to costs, as well as led to rancor within the department and between different government agencies.

    They also underscore the problems the government faces in policing global banks such as HSBC that can enable a wide range of illicit transactions -- from small-time fraud to laundering of tens of billions of dollars for drug cartels and countries that are the subject of U.S. sanctions, such as Iran.

    At one point, for example, a U.S. prosecutor in West Virginia was forced to explain to HSBC that dual Justice Department probes were not duplicative, according to a letter from the prosecutor to the bank's lawyer.

    Such strife among different government agencies has surfaced in other complex investigations. In August, New York State bank regulator Benjamin Lawsky drew the ire of federal agencies when he independently pursued a $340 million settlement with another British bank, Standard Chartered Plc, rather than being part of an ongoing federal probe.

    It is all at least partially due to a heightened effort by U.S. and state regulators to crack down on money laundering. Besides HSBC and Standard Chartered, a series of global banks, including JPMorgan Chase & Co and Citigroup Inc., have faced investigations into lapses related to money laundering.

    A Department of Justice spokesman said in an emailed statement that the department continues to "aggressively pursue" the HSBC probe "in coordination with its internal components and external partners."

    "Financial investigations, by their nature, are complex and time consuming," spokesman Dean Boyd wrote. "The department's track record in bringing successful enforcement actions in the banking industry speaks for itself, and has had a significant, positive impact on banking industry practices."

    Spokespeople for the federal prosecutors in Brooklyn and West Virginia, as well as the other government agencies mentioned in this article declined to comment.

    An HSBC spokesman also declined comment.

    Parallel probes
    Prosecutors in Ihlenfeld's office had been working since at least December 2008 on the case, which originated with an investigation of a local doctor's use of HSBC accounts to move $3 million tied to Medicare fraud, according to the letter.

    But as the investigators looked deeper, they realized the case was merely "the tip of the iceberg", Ihlenfeld wrote.

    Prosecutors in West Virginia had been working with two units of the Treasury Department -- the Internal Revenue Service's Criminal Investigation arm and the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (Fincen), which enforces anti-money laundering laws.

    Brooklyn prosecutors, meanwhile, had aligned with the more powerful Washington-based Asset Forfeiture and Money Laundering Section of the Department of Justice. Investigators in that enterprise also included the Drug Enforcement Administration and the Immigration and Customs Enforcement, a unit of the Department of Homeland Security.

    The Asset Forfeiture unit had the power to veto any proposed money laundering indictment or settlement with HSBC, according to the letter.

    Ihlenfeld touted the support of his own team, the IRS and Fincen, describing the agencies' investigators as "the best of the best when it comes to paper cases."

    He also wrote that his office was much further along in the investigation, arguing that his group had devoted well over 5,543 hours to the investigation.

    In one swipe at Brooklyn prosecutors, Ihlenfeld wrote that they did not realize that HSBC operated a bulk cash processing center "within walking distance" of their offices until West Virginia prosecutors pointed it out to them during the mediation.

    He wrote that on March 24, 2010, the top prosecutor in Brooklyn had said that their investigation was "just starting".

    "Even if DOJ's budget was unlimited, it would be wasteful for" the competing group to replicate what was already a successful investigation, he wrote.

    In the end, Ihlenfeld did not win the battle. Prosecutors, including those in Washington, now oversee the probe, which is still ongoing.

    For HSBC, after more than five years of investigation, a final settlement may be approaching. The bank has already set aside $700 million to cover those costs, and said in a regulatory filing in July that they could be "significantly higher." 

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    3 comments

    You will notice that in all of these cases there is NOT ONE single individual who is indicted, threatened with indictment or any jail time. The fraud and blatant flaunting of laws will continue until people actually go to jail.

    Show more
    Explore related topics: money-laundering, federal, prosecutors, hsbc, featured
  • 17
    Jul
    2012
    5:52am, EDT

    Report: HSBC allowed money laundering that likely funded terror, drugs

    Luke Macgregor / Reuters, file

    A HSBC bank logo is highlighted by the sun in London in this file photo taken March 1, 2010.

    By NBCNews.com's Alastair Jamieson and news services

    A "pervasively polluted" culture at HSBC allowed the bank to act as financier to clients moving shadowy funds from the world's most dangerous and secretive corners, including Mexico, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Syria, according to a scathing U.S. Senate report issued on Monday.

    The report [link to PDF here] which comes ahead of a Senate hearing on Tuesday, said large amounts of Mexican drug money likely passed through the bank. 


    HSBC's U.S. division provided money and banking services to some banks in Saudi Arabia and Bangladesh believed to have helped fund al-Qaida and other terrorist groups, according to an Al-Jazeera story on the report.

    While the big British bank's problems have been known for nearly a decade, the Senate probe detailed just how sweeping the problems have been, both at the bank and at the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, a top U.S. bank regulator which the report said failed to properly monitor HSBC.

    "The culture at HSBC was pervasively polluted for a long time," said Senator Carl Levin, chairman of the U.S. Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, a Congressional watchdog panel.

    The report comes at a troubling time for a banking industry reeling from a multi-country probe into the manipulation of global benchmark rates. Last month, rival British bank Barclays agreed to pay a $453 million fine to settle a U.S.-British probe into the rigging of the benchmark interest rate known as the London interbank offered rate, or Libor.

    Lax controls
    The report caps a year-long inquiry that included a review of 1.4 million documents and interviews with 75 HSBC officials and bank regulators. It will be the focus of a hearing on Tuesday at which HSBC and OCC officials are scheduled to testify.

    Banks pulling out of rate-setting panels in wake of Libor scandal

    In a statement emailed to NBCNews.com, the bank said: 

    We will apologize, acknowledge these mistakes, answer for our actions and give our absolute commitment to fixing what went wrong. We believe that this case history will provide important lessons for the whole industry in seeking to prevent illicit actors entering the global financial system.

    The report also contained strong criticism of the OCC, saying the regulator failed to crack down on the bank despite multiple red flags, allowing money laundering issues "to accumulate into a massive problem".

    The failings and lax controls inside HSBC included an inability to properly monitor $15 billion in bulk cash transactions between mid-2006 and mid-2009, inadequate staffing and high turnover in the bank's compliance units, the report said.

    HSBC ignored risks in doing business in countries such as Mexico, a country rife with drug trafficking, it said.

    Between 2007 and 2008, HSBC's Mexican operations moved $7 billion into the bank's U.S. operations. According to the report, both Mexican and U.S. authorities warned HSBC that the amount of money could only have reached such a level if it was tied to illegal narcotics proceeds.

    The focus of the Senate probe was HSBC's U.S. operations, which has its main office in New York. HSBC used the U.S. unit as a selling point to clients outside the United States, touting its ability to handle U.S. dollar transactions.

    Red flags
    The report described that among HSBC's problems was the bank's compliance division being unable to battle the suspect money. High turnover of top compliance officials made it difficult for reform to take hold, the report said. Employees were "overwhelmed" by a mounting number of suspect transactions that needed review.

    HSBC, according to the report, helped move money for a Mexican foreign-exchange dealer called Casa de Cambio Puebla that served as a hub for laundered proceeds, according to the report.

    Banks' bad behavior may be scaring away investors

    Between 2005 and 2007, there was a "growing flood" of U.S. dollars moving between the exchange house and HSBC, setting off red flags inside HSBC. Some bankers said the transfers were legal. One said the money came from Mexican landscapers working in the United States and routing money back home to their families.

    HSBC ultimately closed the account in November 2007 after it received a seizure warrant from the Mexican attorney general seeking money tied to the exchange dealer, the Senate report said.

    Some of the money that moved through HSBC was tied to Iran, the report said, which would violate U.S. prohibitions on transactions linked to it and other sanctioned countries.

    Between 2001 and 2007, more than 28,000 transactions were identified by an outside auditor for HSBC that potentially could have run afoul of laws that prohibit transactions with sanctioned countries. Of those, 25,000 involved Iran. A smaller number required additional analysis to determine if violations of U.S. regulations had occurred, the report said.

    In 2010, Wachovia agreed to pay $160 million as part of a Justice Department probe that examined Mexican transactions, according to a BBC report, which also said ING last month agreed to pay $619 million to settle U.S. government allegations that it violated U.S. sanctions against Cuba and Iran.

    Reuters contributed to this report.

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    615 comments

    Come on, now you are trying to convince us that bankers would stoop so low as to help terrorists, just for corporate gain and profit? OK, I believe you. Suddenly I see more validation in support of nationalizing banks.

    Show more
    Explore related topics: drug, senate, bank, money-laundering, finance, regulation, hsbc, featured, crime-courts
  • 3
    May
    2012
    12:41pm, EDT

    HSBC Bank USA is suspected of giving free rein to money launderers

    By msnbc.com staff

    Criminals found an easy place to launder money at HSBC Bank USA, according to allegations contained in documents from a federal investigation of the bank, Reuters news agency reported Thursday.

    Reuters reporters said they reviewed confidential documents from investigations by two U.S. attorney's offices of HSBC Bank USA, which is the U.S. arm of HSBC Holdings Plc of London.

    U.S. attorneys in Florida and West Virginia are investigating claims that HSBC violated money laundering laws by failing to review transactions for possible connections to crimes including drug trafficking and terrorist financing.

    The bank divulged in regulatory documents in February that it is being investigated by the Justice Department, the Federal Reserve and other authorities, and said it is likely to face criminal or civil litigation, Reuters reported. No one from the bank has been charged with a crime.

    The documents were early drafts written by investigating U.S. attorneys and could have been superseded by subsequent investigation, Reuters reported. It quoted from a draft of a 2010 letter from William J. Ihlenfeld II, U.S. attorney for the northern district of West Virginia, who told Justice Department officials that HSBC's anti-money laundering departments were a "systemically flawed sham paper-product designed solely to make it appear that the Bank has complied" with the Bank Secrecy Act, which requires banks to monitor transactions for money laundering.

    The bank issued a statement to Reuters, saying, "We continue to cooperate with officials in a number of ongoing investigations. The details of those investigations are confidential, and therefore we will not comment on specific allegations."

    The full story from Reuters is here.

    2 comments

    This is the same bank as this. Just google Lord James of Blackheath and the mystery 15 trillion from the U.S.

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    Explore related topics: terrorism, money-laundering, banking
  • 1
    Sep
    2011
    6:49am, EDT

    U.S. aims to track 'untraceable' prepaid cash cards

    Msnbc.com's Alex Johnson explains why pre-paid cash cards make tracing terrorists' money trails extremely difficult and how it could have hindered 9/11 investigations.

    By M. Alex Johnson
    NBC News

    As the federal government tells it, the money men behind the Sept. 11, 2001, hijackers would never have been identified had they not been lousy bankers:

    "The 9/11 hijackers opened U.S. bank accounts, had face-to-face dealings with bank employees, signed signature cards and received wire transfers, all of which left financial footprints. Law enforcement was able to follow the trail, identify the hijackers and trace them back to their terror cells and confederates abroad."

    That's from a Treasury Department assessment of financial security threats in 2005. It went on to warn that the terrorists could have quietly moved large sums of money into or out of the U.S.:

    "Had the 9/11 terrorists used prepaid ... cards to cover their expenses, none of these financial footprints would have been available."

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    Six years after Treasury identified that vulnerability, concern that drug smugglers and terrorists are exploiting it is driving the federal government to change the rules for issuing and using prepaid cards, particularly high-value reloadable cards like the cash cards you might take with you on vacation.

    By making it harder to get prepaid cards without subjecting buyers to government scrutiny, regulators and lawmakers hope to make it easier to detect patterns of money movement that could signal something nefarious. But card issuers and some business experts warn that the expense and paperwork involved in the new restrictions, which require issuers to keep records on who bought how much for five years, could drive smaller card operations out of the market.

    A problem that's hard to quantify
    When the government refers to "prepaid debit cards," it's not talking about the standard bank debit card you probably have in your purse or wallet. Because such cards are attached to bank accounts, they're already closely monitored my numerous federal agencies. If you gave a bank debit card to someone to do something bad with, it and you would be easily traceable.

    One of the new rules, in fact, is to rename prepaid debit cards, which also used to be known as "stored-value cards," to avoid confusion.

    They're now called "prepaid access cards" because they're not tied to a bank account. They're just pointers to a sum of money you've already paid up (or been given) in advance. The money itself can be anywhere, including accounts outside the reach of government monitoring.

    "The distinction actually makes good sense," said James Angel, a business professor at the McDonough School of Business at Georgetown University. 

    "You don't have that much risk of terrorism through a (bank) debit card," he said in an interview. "There's a problem with a prepaid card because it can begin with cash  — the trail is broken, and you can't track where the money came from."

    Prepaid cards, and their fees, go mainstream

    Jim Schlegel, a senior product manager at ACI Worldwide of New York, which creates and manages electronic payment systems for banks and major retailers, said the new rules are well-intentioned, but he questioned just how big a problem money laundering through prepaid cards really is.

    It's "such a small percentage of the overall problem, and attempts to propose very heavy legislation and requirements around it put a drag on an otherwise growing and profitable sector," he said in an interview.

    Law enforcement agencies and banking regulators acknowledge that there's no way to know how much money is being moved undetected across U.S. borders through the cards — that's the point of money laundering, after all.

    But in a report late last year on money laundering and cross-border currency smuggling, the Government Accountability Office cited the Treasury Department's 2005 assessment to urge action to crack down on misuse of prepaid access cards, saying it was convinced that the shuttling of criminal proceeds across the border, "whether in the form of bulk cash or stored value" (on prepaid cards), poses "a significant threat to national security." 

    In an examination of the threat last year, the Financial Action Task Force, an international agency established by the G-7 in 1989, said such an operation typically works like this:

    A criminal organization repeatedly loads a prepaid card in increments just below the amount that would trigger a report to the government. (In the U.S., that threshold is $10,000, so if it were based here, the organization might regularly reload a card with $9,900.)

    The card, or a second card linked to the same account, is sent to an associate, perhaps in another country, who withdraws the funds through ATMs. In one such operation based in Australia, more than $100,000 was laundered this way, the FATF reported.

    That's how the Black Guerrilla Family, a Baltimore street gang, worked, according to a federal racketeering indictment, to which three gang leaders and accomplices pleaded guilty in April. 

    For more than a decade, gang members locked up in Maryland's prisons blackmailed fellow inmates and sold narcotics and other contraband, the FBI said. They then "laundered the proceeds of their illicit activities through the use of pre-paid debit cards" sold by Green Dot, the nation's largest seller of the cards in retail stores.

    The U.S. would seem to be especially vulnerable, because it's the world's biggest user of prepaid cards; the FATF report projected that by 2017, the U.S. will account for 53 percent of the worldwide market.

    Steve Streit, chief executive of prepaid access card firm Green Dot, told CNBC last year how the cards work.

    Follow the money to find the bad guys
    How is this specific roadblock to tracking transactions a threat to security, especially when authorities can't quantify it as a significant percentage of all money laundering?

    In congressional testimony last year, FBI Director Robert Mueller called the use of prepaid cards a "shadow banking system" that had "impacted our ability to gather real-time financial intelligence."

    The new rules not only are supposed to make it easier for the FBI and other agencies to track prepaid cards back to the original purchasers; they also require issuers to alert the government to any large or otherwise suspicious transactions, like those multiple $9,900 purchases. That can all add up to a pattern of evidence that could tip off investigators to larger plans that are in the works.

    The rules take effect Sept. 27. They fill 69 pages as drawn up by the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network, a branch of the Treasury Department known as FinCEN, illustrating just how complicated the industry that manages prepaid cards really is.

    There are two main types of prepaid cards. One is called "closed system"; these are usually gift cards, student meal cards or transit and phone cards. They may or may not be reloadable depending on the program, but they're usually usable only with specific merchants, so their value in moving large sums of money is limited.

    Of more concern are "open-system" cards, like those issued for some electronic payroll systems and travel programs and usable at thousands of businesses across the U.S. (If they're "branded" cards — that is, if they come with the Visa or MasterCard logo — they can be used to withdraw money directly through ATMs.)

    Such cards make "the challenge of smuggling heavy stacks of cash nearly obsolete," Kumar C. Kibble, the deputy director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, told Congress in March.

    Jasbir Anand, a senior consultant at ACI, said the funds represented on such cards, which you can easily buy online, could "travel across borders without limitation." 

    "You could have tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars associated with that card," Anand said in an interview, calling that "obviously a glaring exception" to current anti-money-laundering laws.

    ‘They've got to find somebody' to regulate
    The new rules, in effect, shift the focus of regulation from where and how a card is used to where and how it is sold, Schlegel said.

    "How do you investigate the funds related to a particular product ... when that card is merely an access point to a larger system?" he asked in an interview.

    To put it another way, Anand said, the card itself is just a worthless piece of plastic. It's a token representing money that's being held somewhere else, very much like your checkbook.

    In the same way that a husband can give his wife his checkbook, "I can give you the card, and that's not a financial transaction," Anand said. And "since that cannot be governed and controlled," the new rules target transactions the government can plausibly regulate — the actual initial loading of value onto the card.

    "They've got to find somebody" to monitor, said Angel, of Georgetown University.

    The rules include numerous exemptions to make issuing lower-value cards easier for those merchants, by excluding closed-loop cards — that is, gift cards and the like that can be used only at particular stores or service providers — of less than $2,000. They also exempt government-issued cards and many prepaid health care cards. The Treasury doesn't consider any of those to be a significant money-laundering threat.

    But most open-loop cards, which can be used pretty much anywhere, fall under the regulations, and the onus to do all the paperwork falls on whoever "exercises principal oversight and control" of the card program. The rules don't clearly define what businesses are in that category.

    That's not an issue for banks, which are heavily regulated and have processes in place because they already monitor billions of credit and regular debit cards. But many other previously unregulated or lightly regulated businesses issue or administer prepaid card programs: online shopping services, corporate rewards card programs, third-party payment processors — even celebrities, like the Kardashian sisters, who withdrew their Kardashian Kard from the market last year after customers complained about its high fees.

    ConsumerMan: Prepaid cards will have you paying, all right

    "The net impact of these rules would be an increase in the overall cost of debit cards for consumers for record-keeping and storage and so on that will eventually trickle down to fees on the debit card and a limitation on features," Anand said.

    That also could choke adoption of future technologies developed on the science inside the stripes on your plastic cards, he said. An example would be cashless "mobile wallets" that live in your phone and work through near-field communication wireless systems.

    "It's unfortunate that we're at the cusp of taking advantage of this huge channel and trend and something like this could really stifle growth," he said.

    Even as it warns about the potential money laundering threat, the Financial Action Task Force also acknowledges that tight restrictions on prepaid cards could have a significant impact on lower-income people unable to "take full advantage of mainstream financial service providers" because they have a poor credit record, for example, or because they have no permanent address and can't qualify for a bank account. That's more than 17 million Americans, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. says, and for them, prepaid  cards can be the only way they can gain "ready access to services," the FATF said.

    "It is important to recognize that public officials can sometimes take steps designed to 'protect' those who are disadvantaged when those steps may actually become barriers that actually restrict access to financial services," the task force said in a follow-up report in June. "For example, steps that add to the costs for prepaid products may make them less appealing to those living on the margin."

    Customs is no barrier
    There's another issue: The rules apply to transactions that take place in the U.S. Reputable overseas banks and other companies that want to continue doing business here will likely comply, but the U.S. can't impose its wishes on hundreds of thousands of merchants in other countries.

    "I can walk into a country with a prepaid card that has a thousand dollars on it and add more to it," Anand said, which means that even under the new rules, a smuggler or a terrorist can easily obliterate investigators' money trail back to the source.

    "Suppose I were a terrorist and I needed some money to buy some bomb-making materials locally, but my source of funding is over in Berzerkistan," Angel said. "They can have one of their operatives take a pile of cash, buy a prepaid card and get that into my possession without it being traceable back to anybody else in my terrorist cell."

    And how would that operative get the card into Angel's possession? He or she would simply fly into the country with it. Prepaid access cards aren't treated like cash, which travelers are required to declare if they're carrying $10,000 or more.

    "The debit card that looks, smells and tastes like (cash) — that doesn't count," Angel said.

    Three senators — Amy Klobuchar, D-Minn., Tom Udall, D-N.M., and Jeanne Shaheen, D-N.H. — introduced legislation last month to close that loophole. It would require travelers to declare "prepaid cards totaling more than $10,000" when they enter or leave the U.S., just like cash.

    That may sound like a common-sense approach, but card issuers and others have objections. The losers, they contend, won't be drug smugglers and terrorists — who likely wouldn't comply — but travelers and other innocent customers.

    The rules could make prepaid cards less attractive to travelers, putting them at a competitive disadvantage to credit cards and other standard bank cards, which wouldn't be covered, said Kirsten Trusko, executive director of the Network Branded Prepaid Card Association.

    The NBPCA, a trade group for companies that issue of prepaid cards carrying the logos of networks like MasterCard or Visa, has weighed in against similar attempts to require customs reporting of cards, calling them "unwise and impractical."

    That's because you have to know the value of your prepaid card to declare it, Trusko said. And trying to determine a card's balance "while in flight or upon debarkation from a plane is burdensome and unnecessary," she said in a statement to msnbc.com.

    Angel said the problem is more basic.

    "I would think someone with a card with $10,000 or more on it would probably be watching it carefully and know they're over the limit," he said. But he warned that "the devil is always in the details," asking, "How are they going to catch somebody who violates?"

    "If you're wearing a money belt with hundred-dollar bills in it, that's going to be kind of obvious," he said. "But if somebody's carrying a MasterCard, how are they going to know? It could get fairly invasive when they start searching people at the border."

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    368 comments

    Anybody who supports this should lose their citizenship. Enough already, stop spending my money to look at prepaid credit cards on the off chance that "something nefarious" might be going on.

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    Explore related topics: terrorism, customs, money-laundering, treasury-department, featured, government-accountability-office, regulations, fincen, jeanne-shaheen, amy-klobuchar, tom-udall, prepaid-access-cards

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Michael Isikoff

Michael Isikoff joined NBC News in July 2010 as national investigative correspondent. He had been at Newsweek since 1994 as an investigative correspondent. He has written extensively on the U.S. government's war on terrorism, the Abu Ghraib scandal, campaign-finance and congressional ethics abuses, presidential politics and other national issues.

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Amna Nawaz is Bureau Chief/Correspondent for NBC News' Pakistan bureau. She reports for all NBC News platforms from across the country and the region. Previously, she reported for the network's investigative unit.

Mike Brunker, Investigations Editor, NBC News

Mike Brunker is the investigations editor at NBCNews.com. He's worked for the site (formerly msnbc.com) as a reporter and editor since August 1996. Before that, he was an editor at the San Francisco Examiner and Hayward Daily Review in California.

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Azriel James Relph is a researcher for NBC News Investigations. He is a graduate of the CUNY Graduate School of Journalism, and was a reporter for several years at the Hunts Point Express -- a South Bronx newspaper serving the poorest Congressional District in the United Sates. He has written for Newsweek, The Daily Beast, and MSNBC.com.

Robert Windrem

Robert Windrem is investigative producer for special projects at NBC Nightly News. He is also a Fellow at the Center on National Security at Fordham Law School. He has worked at NBC News for more than three decades, focusing on issues of international security, strategic policy, intelligence and terrorism.

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M. Alex Johnson is a reporter for NBC News specializing in national affairs, technology and data analysis. He joined NBC News in 1999 from The Washington Post.

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